Trump's United States Under Trump's Second Term Seems Oddly Familiar to Those Watching from China

When Vickie Wang, a rising comedic talent, takes the stage in the Big Apple, she is not just thinking about what humor to tell. Additionally, she weighs what subjects to avoid. “I don't engage in openly criticizing the government,” she stated. And when she ventures there, she ensures it's not recorded for social media. “I'd never publicly share content in which I openly disparage the government … I think it's a learned behavior acquired back home.”

The comedian, thirty-nine, lived in the Chinese metropolis for almost a decade, leaving in that year. In 2025, she relocated to America. Upon arrival, she embarked on a frenzy of “overindulging on democracy,” going to talks, protests, and delving into the city's library system.

But over the past year after the president returned to office for the second time, there's been a noticeable shift in the atmosphere, she says. “Back home, I understood where the line was, whereas in the US I find myself on unstable ground.”

Wang’s concerns mirror an emerging climate in America which numerous individuals from China, or those with experience in the country, perceive as eerily similar. Enemies face exclusion. The leader expects absolute loyalty. Reporters face scrutiny. Establishments are attacked.

The president has not been shy about his admiration for Xi Jinping, the nation's strongman leader. He's called him as “fantastic”. When they reached a brief ceasefire in economic tensions recently, the camaraderie between both figures of countries with diametrically opposed political systems was evident. Following years of optimism in America that closer ties with the East may help the growing nation to liberalise, under Trump 2.0, it appears as if America is shifting in China's path, instead of vice versa.

“The United States is experiencing a period of cultural revolution,” stated Zhang Qianfan, a professor at a top Chinese university. “The president, Donald Trump, is attempting to mobilise the grassroots in order to sideline or weaken the elite … similar to events in China decades past.”

Since the administration unleashed the so-called a government streamlining body, or Doge, on federal institutions at the start of his term, many in China see US politics via the perspective of the Cultural Revolution. Whether it is the rallying of the youth to execute presidential directives, or purging organizations of perceived enemies, the president from a Chinese viewpoint has brought Mao-style chaos to America, though absent equivalent degrees of force.

However since the upheaval of the early months of the new administration subsided, a new, different kind of climate has emerged in the US, which in different ways also feels familiar to numerous Chinese people.

‘The Beacon Is Dimmer’

The deepest parallel between Trump’s America and China is the suppression on free speech.

Deng Haiyan, turned CCP critic, found himself in the eye of a storm recently, similar to what he once faced in China. He resided in America since 2019, having fled China because of pressure from officials.

Last fall, following the passing of a public figure, Deng tweeted that the individual was a “scumbag”. Like people nationwide – many of whom were fired for expressing criticism about Kirk – he encountered significant backlash. Relatives was doxed and he was accused of being a Chinese spy attempting to create division.

“That event surprised me deeply. I hadn't thought such a thing would occur in the United States – something that typically happens in an authoritarian country,” he commented.

Deng’s pile on came from fellow social media users, rather than the government, but that kind of social surveillance also has similarities with China.

“In terms of going after dissenters and monitoring public speech on topics deemed controversial … It's appearing here,” said an academic, an associate professor at Georgia State University. “This is that you see in the East today as too,” she said, stating that concerns are rising in America of pupils informing against educators, a type of surveillance promoted by Chinese authorities.

The professor, the Peking University law professor, explained that progressive thinkers like himself used to look to America for ideals, in part because public debate on internal affairs in China is dangerous. However, “America isn't some kind of ideal for progressive Chinese. America’s image has declined across the board.”

“We used to see America as the beacon of constitutional democracy, but since the new administration, this lighthouse seems to have become dimmer”.

Progressive Chinese, typically, behind closed doors, critical of the nation's governance, now perceive it more acceptable than the US's, Zhang said. “It's somewhat difficult to acknowledge this reality … but post-COVID, authorities appears to be pursuing the right thing in improving the environment and promoting EVs and investing in hi-tech,” Zhang said, while “Western nations, exemplified by America, appear declining.”

The Trump administration’s acquisition of shares in US companies has prompted parallels with the East, where the distinction between state and business is often blurred.

Recently, the US government stated it would become an investor in a new company specialising in mineral refinement, following comparable shares in other companies it considers vital to national security. The deals have made some investors concerned that the US is entering a fresh phase of state intervention in the private sector.

Yet, there remain significant distinctions between Trump’s America and China. Last month, multiple media outlets among others refused to sign to a defense department rule that required they only report on government-authorised information. US courts have blocked or reversed numerous Trump’s actions, an action that would be unthinkable in China’s CCP-controlled judiciary.

Isaac Stone Fish, who established of Strategy Risks, specializing in China, said: “The United States might face its gravest challenge of its history, far more severe than currently, and it will still be more free, more open, and more liberal than China under Xi.”

Zhang notes that although many intellectuals in China were shocked to see US universities yield to official requests concerning DEI policies and free speech on campus, in China, leading institutions are all state-owned inherently. University leaders, which are selected by the government, “have no liberty refuse. They dare not defy orders.”

Nevertheless, Americans are beginning to adopt measures that were once confined to repressive regimes. An academic at a US university who was previously vocal on bilateral matters declined to be interviewed for this piece. He said: “The truth is, I fear of the censorship in the US: I actually feel less afraid to criticise Xi now than say anything bad